Obama Uses Noble Peace Prize Speech to Defend Some Oft-Forgotten Principled Reasoning
President Obama speaks the truth to power on this one, dear readers.
Good speech. I'll give credit where due, at least on the merits of the words alone, from the man who ascended to this kind of world stage prominence--on the words alone. This in spite of my sharp disagreements with him on a variety of other issues (mostly domestic) and various statements he's made in the past.
In his acceptance speech for the Noble Prize in Oslo, Norway, the president said what he needed to about the late unpleasantness in Afghanistan, even if for mere political satiation of the "war hawks" in this regard, and laid out in no uncertain terms in this particular the ugly realities of the modern world and the "just war" rationalization. But I don't think this is mere political grandstanding. Or, not completely. Quite honestly, I detect he understands what's at stake in this conflict, even if the tough talk of late is a full engine reverse of what we've come to expect from more accommodationist prose, due in no small part to sagging polls and sagging confidence on the world stage from other leaders. At a time when the world's tougher neighborhoods are getting bolder and even more boisterous, the liberal penchant for outsourcing or farming out our foreign policy to faux global governance eggheads and collective "soft power" bodies like the UN no longer carries any water. Co-operation is a wonderful notion and in much need on some issues, yes, but in the end is only as good in the end as the force that stands ready behind it once we and our European and other allies make the call and pull the trigger (metaphorically as well as literally)
But that's OK for the moment: Not only did Obama need to say it, we and the rest of the world really needed to hear it.
Acknowledging that his accomplishments on the world stage are thin so far, and a Milli Vanilli Nobel Award Pitches For Things Not Even Done At The Time notwithstanding, on the merits of the current war in Afghanistan, the president hit the nail on the head and partially redeemed the Prize. Not sure he made up for the vacuum of accomplishment in this one speech, but his excellent, well-reasoned point came across crisply, loud, and clear; peace sometimes requires actions that are--on the surface--seemingly very unpeaceful. Such is the nasty reality of international politics, and might I add welcome to the real world, Mr. President.
So, he said what he needed to say--and what was needed in general--even if contradictory to previous statements during campaign mode about wrapping up both wars, particularly the war in Iraq (apparently under his opinion that the Iraq conflict was an unnecessary distraction from the "real" need in Afghanistan, and that Iraq was supposedly non-proximate to the War on Terror) and setting artificial time tables more recently regarding Afghanistan.
I disagree with Obama on his assessment about Iraq, but still. He's right to defend the ongoing conflict in Afghanistan IF we can see this conflict though, provide a more stable governance for the people of Afghanistan and thus hopefully the region, drastically reduce and hopefully annihilate al-Quaida influence there as well as neighboring Pakistan, and avoid artificial (RE: domestic political considerations) time tables.
Per Reuters News Agency's analysis, "By pledging to close the Guantanamo Bay prison for foreign terrorism suspects on Cuba and outlawing harsh interrogation techniques, Obama has attempted to recover the moral high ground that critics accused his predecessor George W. Bush of surrendering by waging a no-holds-barred war on terrorism", and that also that the president emphasized that those regimes that break moral laws can and should be held accountable for their actions, and that sanctions must have teeth in them. And to the end of providing global security, the United States cannot act alone, even if the mission of peace and war is very unpleasant to our allies.
Not sure that harsh interrogation was all that much over the top, or that he understands that the Geneva Conventions' rules of treatment do not apply to non-uniformed belligerents, and that this disincentive to commit acts of terror has solid reasoning behind it. but I agree with him on the last part. There must be more accountability for the would-be Neo-Nuke tinhorn rulers of the world that would threaten global peace. I also think he's incorrect in that there was never a Third World War. I understand of course he's praising the vigilance of our soldiers and leaders in the post WWII world--the modern era--for staving off nuclear conflict and major conflict between great power, and that's probably what he's referring to. But there IS a WWIII. It is the War on Terror. And it is very real, and very global in scope, and thus a world conflict. And it remains real even if some US politicians stateside still think in the Post 911 world the phrase "War on Terror" amounts to little more than a cheap bumper sticker. He also mentioned, regarding said terrorism--because much terror in the world today is as religiously based as it is political--that true faith does not, or at least should not, make carnage out of innocents, or seek to destroy nations or their citizenry on behalf of one's religion, or otherwise inculcate climates of fear.
But in any case, this is war, we ARE at war, and sometimes it's not really "Orwellian" to say that justice, both nationally and internationally, demands response of this level to the scourge of terrorism, even if this conclusion is not universally admired by the Left. Nor, for that matter, some "realists" on the Paleoconservative Right who also think we can just make Fortress America and bring home the boys, stop defending Israel and monkeying around with the terrorists, and we'll be left alone. Of course.
One particularly prescient example from the President's speech that all would do well to remember:
"I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war. What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace.
We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth that we will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. There will be times when nations - acting individually or in concert - will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.
I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King said in this same ceremony years ago - "Violence never brings permanent peace. It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones." As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King's life's work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. I know there is nothing weak -nothing passive - nothing naïve - in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.
But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. For make no mistake: evil does exist in the world. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler's armies. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda's leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force is sometimes necessary is not a call to cynicism - it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.
I raise this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter the cause. At times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world's sole military superpower.
Yet the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions - not just treaties and declarations - that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: the United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms. The service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform has promoted peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea, and enabled democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans. We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. We have done so out of enlightened self-interest - because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if other peoples' children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity.
So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace."





















